Taking a logical view of China's ABM test

The Chinese government announced January 11 that a ground-based midrange anti-ballistic missile (ABM) had been successfully tested earlier that day.

Ten years ago, China vehemently opposed the development of the US Theatre Missile Defense system (TMD) and National Missile Defense System (NMD). When its protests proved fruitless China started to develop its own ballistic missile defence system.

From some points of view, it was not necessary to oppose US development of an ABM system since after all ABMs are defensive technology. The U.S. faces the threat of ballistic missile attack and felt the need to develop its own defense system, and the threat, from the US point of view, may include China's missile attack and counter attack capabilities. China has never intended to become a threat to the U.S., and in developing its own limited missile warfare capabilities, China's intentions are purely defensive. However, China's limited defensive power may still be regarded by the U.S. as a threat.

By the same token, US security concerns are regarded by China as a threat. And China thinks it has the right to live free of threats to its security. Therefore, when the U.S. threatened to launch a nuclear war against China in the 1950's, China was obliged to develop its own nuclear weapons. (This is also the logic behind North Korea's nuclear weapons ambitions.) Furthermore, as long as the U.S. retains its nuclear forces and periodically poses a threat to China (both the Chinese mainland and Taiwan) through its weapons sales to Taiwan, the Chinese government will maintain its nuclear deterrent. (This is also why North Korea will not abandon its nuclear weapons development.)

That the U.S. possesses nuclear weapons is a matter of its own sovereignty, but once the U.S. interferes in other countries' internal affairs, it infringes on their sovereignty. Currently, the US ABM defense capability allows it to interfere in world affairs without having to worry about retaliation from the rest of the world. So, when this seemingly reasonable missile defence system is married with the aggressive foreign policy of the U.S., the issue of missile defense takes on a new complexity – missile defence systems can enhance a country's security by fending off missile attacks from enemy countries, but at the same time, can make those who possess them bold enough to launch aggressive and proactive foreign policies.

In short, opposition to missile defense systems is never going to be the mainstream. Missile defence systems raise a country's defense abilities and the need for them is shared by all the countries. The best approach is to develop one's own rather than oppose those of other countries. Those who oppose missile defense may well find themselves under threat of missile attack. Security cooperation treaties can help build a safer international environment, but it is difficult to ensure an aggressor will not appear, or to guarantee a missile attack will never occur. Facing such scenarios, a sovereign state still needs a high-credibility deterrent to minimize threats and, should a missile attack occur, anti-missile systems to defend against it.

Once China realized it could not prevent other countries developing ABM systems, it decided to build the ground-based midrange ABM technology that has just been tested. However, compared with the U.S. which has far more advanced capabilities in missile attack and defence, the success China has achieved does not yet ensure its total safety.

China has been consistent in its pragmatic attitude towards matters concerning its national security: when a weapons technology that threatens its security appears, China will first appeal to the international society for a ban, and if unsuccessful, will develop its own capabilities. This is the stance China takes on ballistic missile defence technology as well as on nuclear weapons.

As regards the issue of anti-satellite (ATST) missiles, China also abides by this rule. The U.S. conducted ATST warfare tests earlier than any other country and the results directly undermined the safety of other countries' space vehicles. The US ATST ability threatens other countries' communications and remote command and control systems, and was fiercely opposed by both China and Russia. But taking its own safety into consideration, the U.S. will not abandon this capability, which in turn has forced China to develop its own systems in order to maintain the balance of power in outer space.

Three years ago, also on January 11, China successfully tested an ATST missile for the first time. China didn't voluntarily announce that test but later confirmed reports that it had taken place. But regarding the latest test, official reports appeared before those in the foreign media. This is a sign of China's increasing transparency about military affairs.

Whether or not this announcement is intended as a riposte to US weapons sales to Taiwan, the entire Chinese nation can agree that so long as China feels it is under threat, it should build sophisticated military offensive and defensive systems, including a mature missile defense network. A major difference between socialist China and other countries is that China restricts itself to developing limited offensive capabilities and has promised not to launch wars against other countries; but this does not mean China will merely criticize other countries' military programs without developing its own.

The author is a columnist with China.org.cn. For more information please visit:

http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/node_7082361.htm

(This article was translated by Maverick Chen.)